U.S. Rep. Phil Hare, D-Rock Island, believes the $700 billion rescue plan to shore up financial markets was doomed from the day it got labeled a bailout.

During a tele-conference with reporters on Tuesday, Hare said the money would have been a five-year "loan" from the Federal Reserve. The debt incurred by the federal government would have the value of the properties held and could be sold as the markets recover. Some financial responsibility also would have fallen on the companies receiving help.

In addition, Hare said CEO’s would have been banned from receiving those golden parachute bonuses and stock options.

"We should have never had to come up with $700 billion," Hare said, adding that he believes the rescue plan was "better than doing nothing."

That viewpoint did not carry the day on Monday.

The plan failed 228-205 in the U.S. House during the afternoon. The stock market fell dramatically, with the Dow Jones industrials suffering the largest point loss ever. The Dow bounced back somewhat today, but remain more than 4 percent lower than before Monday’s trading.

Hare pointed to the $1.2 trillion loss in stock value as one of the reasons he was willing to support a $700 billion plan that would have been at least partially repaid. One constituent called to say her 401k holdings had fallen $100,000 in a single day due to the plan’s failure, Hare said.

Congressional leaders have told House members to return to Washington for a Thursday session. President Bush has been meeting with caucus leaders to craft a new proposal that might come up for a vote within days.

When Republican gubernatorial candidate Kenny Hulshof campaigned in Northeast Missouri on Monday, his "Democratic shadow" followed along.

"Observers" have become a part of many campaigns and Attorney General Jay Nixon, the Democratic nominee for governor, has a loyal follower who trails Hulshof.

In a comic twist, the shadow lost track of Hulshof and called The Quincy Herald-Whig to check on any campaign stops planned in the area. Since none were announced, the man missed out on a Hannibal meeting between Hulshof and his campaign volunteers.

No matter. The troop rally probably would not have yielded any dirt to throw in the gubernatorial campaign.

I had a one-on-one interview with Hulshof after he finished the session with volunteers. Hulshof did not try to dispute polls that show him trailing Nixon by anywhere from 12 to 9 points, but he pointed out that he has been closing that gap which stood at 20 points immediately after the bitter primary election in August.

Hulshof recently had his wife, Renee, appear in a campaign e-mail that disputes charges by Nixon that Hulshof is calling the state’s job market strong. In fact, the Hulshof quote was lifted from February when the state had just added 3,300 new jobs. So far there is no word on whether Renee’s participation in the campaign helps move the opinions of voters.

One woman Hulshof hopes will move the voters is Sarah Steelman, who he defeated in the August primary. Steelman ran an especially strong campaign in southern and western Missouri. Hulshof’s win over Steelman was costly and it let Nixon jump out to a big lead in campaign funds on hand and overall voter support.

Steelman withheld her endorsement of Hulshof for several days after the primary and then gave only a lukewarm nod to the victor. But things could be changing. If things go as planned, Hulshof could get Steelman to appear at campaign stops in area’s where her support is strongest. That would help make sure "the Republican family is in the fold," Hulshof said.

Hulshof does not believe the presidential race will create "coat-tails" that will result in a boost for party candidates further down the ballot — unless either Sen. John McCain or Sen. Barack Obama take a 10 percent lead in the election. Current polls show McCain leading by about 5 percent.

One thing has not changed about Hulshof’s campaigning. He does not get overly partisan. While Hulshof does not apologize for being a Republican, he is careful not to lump all Democrats into a category. He has seen more than enough "bitter partisanship" in Washington, D.C., and does not want to operate in that way.

"I’m the first Republican who has ever been re-elected in the (9th) District," Hulshof said. He attributes that to being able to work across partisan lines, and he points out that his home town of Columbia is a Democratic stronghold.

With the partisan divide in mind, Hulshof said Nixon won’t have much luck if he’s trying to get the Republican-led Legislature to reverse recent changes in workers compensation, tort reform or tax incentives meant to make Missouri more attractive to businesses.

When Democratic presidential hopeful Barack Obama’s Missouri campaign leaders held a conference call with the press on Friday, reporters did not expect too much detail about their strategy to win in the Show-Me State.

U.S. Sen. Claire McCaskill was one of the participants and quickly told listeners that Sen. John McCain "is lying" to voters and is in total lockstep with George Bush and the Republican party. Reporters quickly assumed that type of snarky and very general comment would be the most that would be gleaned from the conference call.

Then Buffy Wicks, Obama’s Missouri campaign director, came on the line and started telling how the Democrats have opened 40 campaign offices in the state and have set up a county-by-county network of volunteers. She said Obama’s staff learned lessons from George Bush’s 2000 campaign organization and learned that person-to-person contact plays a huge role in Missouri elections.

"Al Gore lost in 2000 by about 15 votes per precinct," Wicks said, before adding that Obama’s 2008 team will add more than 15 votes per precinct.

Wicks went on to say that an average of five volunteer campaign workers are being recruited in "each neighborhood" with oversight of eight to 12 precincts. These volunteers are expected to spend "10, 15, even 20 hours a week" making contacts and registering people to vote.

When asked why she was being so open about what are usually secret campaign strategy details, Wicks said the McCain camp doesn’t have the time to catch up and use the same kind of system.

Another thought might be that sharing this strategy with reporters is a bid for publicity. Wicks, McCaskill and other Obama supporters want Missourians to be impressed that they have so much regard for the state — and the electoral votes at stake.

McCain, by the way, is leading in a pair of recent Missouri polls by about 5 percent. Certainly, that’s close and there are still seven weeks remaining before Nov. 4. But the spin McCaskill wanted reporters to hear was that McCain and running mate Sarah Palin have both been in Missouri recently and didn’t really get a "bump" out of their appearances.

Missouri is a toss-up state, with neither candidate expected to overwhelm the other. So the strategy of releasing a strategy is certainly meant to give Obama the appearance of momentum heading into the final stretch of the campaign.

Much was said about "The Hug" between Speaker Michael Madigan and Gov. Rod Blagojevich at an Illinois delegation breakfast during the Democratic National Convention. After years of feuding, the two might just be willing to work together, some said.

Well, whatever goodwill the two estranged Chicago Democrats found in Denver seems to have worn off. Blagojevich told reporters Wednesday that he suspects "House Democratic leadership" — in other words, Madigan — is using stalling tactics and is not serious about a big capital construction program.

For his part, Madigan steered legislation through the House Wednesday that will make it possible to lease 80 percent of the Illinois lottery for up to 60 years. But until the state gets its hands on the $10 billion or higher lease price, Madigan is not ready to approve a capital plan for the spending.

From Madigan’s perspective, it makes no sense to spend money until it actually exists. From Blagojevich’s side, the lack of a spending plan means massive public improvement projects cannot be completed — and might not even be launched — by the time voters cast ballots for governor in November 2010.

Madigan wants his daughter, Attorney General Lisa Madigan, to have a clean shot becoming governor. Blagojevich wants at least the option of running for re-election. (He told reporters at the DNC what a great job he’s done as governor and ignored the fact that poll respondents say he’s the most unpopular governor in the nation.)

The bottom line: It doesn’t look like Blagojevich and Madigan are going to become best buddies anytime soon. The next two years could look a lot like the past two years, or state government could devolve even further and set new records for dysfunction and ego-fueled in-fighting.